Two actions taken by Bill Clinton in the waning days of his presidency
proved, once again, that there is little difference between the Democratic
and Republican foreign policy. Before he left 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue,
Clinton admitted that the Colombian military had not fulfilled "human
rights" requirements, but that the White House was not legally bound to
respect those requirements if national security was at stake. He went on
to say that since he had waived this requirement once already, it was not
necessary to do so again. This action, which was also supported by the
State Department, ensures that all of the original monies in Plan Colombia
earmarked for weaponry and other military uses will go to those forces. In
one other act, he released funds from the account set up in late 1999 by
Congress when it passed the Iraq Liberation Act. If you remember, this law
provided the CIA-created Iraqi National Congress (INC -- a coalition of
certain pro-Western groups and individuals opposed to Saddam Hussein's rule
that includes a Kurdish group and an organization desiring the
re-establishment of monarchy in Iraq) with $97 million for weapons,
training and propaganda purposes. The funds Clinton released were to
finance forays into Iraq by mercenary forces hired to spy, using the cover
that they are there to distribute food and medicine to Iraqis who support
the CIA's intentions in that country.
These eleventh hour actions by Clinton will make it easier for GW Bush's
staff to push these two programs even further, as is GW's intention.
Soon-to-be Secretary of State Colin Powell is on record as saying he
supports the current policy in Colombia, but wants to "try to regionalize
the approach, (and) get all of the nations in the area to recognize that
the problem is theirs as well as Colombia's." What's left unsaid here is
that the US intends to make it their problem whether these countries see it
that way or not. The recent construction of forward air bases in Ecuador
and El Salvador make this clear. If one recalls US involvement in
Indochina in the early 1960s, there was also a push to "regionalize" that
conflict in order to pursue Vietnamese revolutionary forces into their
places of refuge in Cambodia and Laos. In Laos, another aspect of this
operation was the hiring of Laotians opposed to the Pathet Lao insurgency
to interrogate, torture, and kill civilian supporters of the Pathet Lao.
It was the leaders of some of these US-created paramilitaries who
eventually helped the CIA set up the heroin dealing operation portrayed in
the film Air America and written about in Alfred McCoy's The Politics of
Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Drug Trade.
Since the infusion of U.S. money as part of Plan Colombia, the role of the
right-wing paramilitaries has become more pronounced. In fact, the
numerous massacres of "suspected guerrilla sympathizers" by these forces
(over 70 killed in the first 17 days of 2001) is reminiscent of the role
played by various Vietnamese extralegal armies just before the massive U.S.
military involvement in that country back in the early 1960s. There were a
number of counterinsurgency programs operating in southern Vietnam at the
time under a variety of agencies. Foremost in all of these programs'
missions, however, was the isolation of revolutionary forces from the
general population and intimidation of the civilian population to prevent
them from actively supporting the revolutionaries. These extralegal forces
were usually composed of career criminals, former Vietnamese Army troops
accused of excessive brutality while in uniform, defectors from the
Vietnamese National Liberation Front, and released prisoners. They
achieved their goals by psychological intimidation, physical torture,
imprisonment, and murder -- all of which they learned from their CIA and US
military trainers. Some of Colin Powell's early military career was spent
in the jungles of Vietnam leading squads of these men.
Eventually, the various programs were coordinated under one CIA-managed
operation known as Operation Phoenix. This program of planned
assassination resulted in the deaths of nearly 50,000 Vietnamese. The
modus operandi used in Operation Phoenix was further refined during the US
war in Central America during the 1980s. By refined, it is generally meant
that the methods stayed the same, but greater US deniability is created,
usually by having local troops and agents commit the actual torture and
murder. As for Powell, he continues to support this type of operation,
calling it the "drain the sea" approach in his 1995 memoirs. Until
recently, US advisors were supposedly only in Colombia to train members of
the regular army. In fact, various reports from Latin American media have
reported the presence of US "trainers" actually helping to carry out raids
and other missions in the Colombian countryside. All of this was set up in
1991, under the tutelage of the U.S. Defense Department and the CIA. This
was accomplished under a Colombian military intelligence integration plan
called Order 200-05/91.
The role the paramilitaries play is one that supplements the strategy of
the regular Colombian army. Indeed, some of the players are members of
both. Sometimes the role is purely intelligence -- that is, gathering
names of suspected revolutionaries -- and other times their role is much
more murderous. To put it succinctly, the paramilitaries commit the war
crimes that the Colombian regular army can't due to public relations
concerns of the Colombian and US governments. Some officers were trained
at the School of the Americas (SOA) in Georgia -- a notorious military
training center that specializes in interrogation, torture and other
"counterterror" methods. Many of those officers have certainly transferred
their training at this school and by advisors in Colombia to their
after-hours paramilitary activities. Human Rights Watch reports that at
least seven SOA graduates are highly involved with the paramilitary. With
the assistance and training of the CIA, DEA, and the US military and their
private contractors, these armies conduct search-and-destroy missions in
the Colombian countryside, easing the way for the regular armed forces to
move in and hold territory. In an article in The San-Antonio Express News,
it was pointed out that the most impressive offensive by one of the
paramilitaries - the AUC - "has come in Putumayo province, which will be
ground zero in the military phase of Plan Colombia - the place where
American-made helicopters will land American-trained troops to do battle
with forces protecting the coca fields." (1/17/01) In other words, this is
where the Colombian military intends to begin its offensive against the
revolutionary forces. It is no coincidence that the AUC has concentrated
its attacks there.
As for Iraq, the "humanitarian" forays into Iraq's space will not only
intimidate the Iraqi government, any negative reprisals taken by Hussein's
security forces against the individuals involved will be used by the US and
British media as continuing proof of Hussein's evil, and give GW another
reason to continue the sanctions and bombing raids against Iraq. That is,
unless he decides to go in with full military force and replace the Hussein
government with one created in Washington. Then the forays will be but a
precursor for any such military action. It is no secret that GW would like
to finish the work his father began ten winters ago.
As any student of US counterintelligence knows, most of its propaganda
activities involve advertising the American way as the democratic way of
life. This continues to be the case despite the electoral sham of last
November. In Iraq, it is no different. Although most of the members of
the Iraqi National Congress (INC) have no desire to bring democracy to that
country, the American public is told that this group is the best chance for
that to happen. It is the primary group receiving funds via the Iraq
Liberation Act referred to earlier. The INC's intention is "to establish
itself as a responsible and credible authority with a base on Iraqi soil,
to provide for the humanitarian relief of the Iraqi people who are
suffering intolerable conditions, and to enlist the support of the
international community in the struggle against Saddam." (introduction from
the INC website) In short, they hope to become the Iraqi version of the
contras -- mercenaries that were funded and trained by the Pentagon and CIA
to fight Nicaragua's Sandinista government in the 1980s. How they intend
to enact the first two aspects is quite clear - they will do what the CIA
tells them to do, despite the fact that doing so has already led to over
100 of their numbers being executed by the Iraqi government after a failed
uprising in 1996. It will be a bit trickier for this group to convince the
rest of the world that the CIA's plan is one they should support. However,
should they fail in any or all of their intended goals, one can be fairly
certain that the US policy towards Iraq will continue to be one that meets
the imperial demands of the US corporate government while punishing the
Iraqi people. After all, if these contras fail, the Pentagon will have
minimal opposition to any "regular" warfare plans it might have.
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